The GOP's YOLO caucus is small but growing. That may spell trouble for
Trump's congressional agenda
[May 21, 2026]
By STEVEN SLOAN and JOEY CAPPELLETTI
WASHINGTON (AP) — The YOLO caucus is in session.
In a Republican-led Congress defined by deference to President Donald
Trump, there's a small but steadily growing cohort who have found
themselves more willing to break with the White House. Although the
president maintains a firm grip on Republican voters, the expanding club
could hinder his agenda on everything from the Iran war to immigration
funding at a moment when his party holds a tenuous majority on Capitol
Hill.
Sen. Bill Cassidy of Louisiana is the newest member of the club. Just
days after losing his primary to a Trump-backed challenger, Cassidy on
Tuesday reversed himself on legislation involving the war in Iran and
voted with Democrats to rein in U.S. military action.
“The way our Constitution is set up, Congress should hold the executive
branch accountable,” he told reporters the day before.
Sen. John Cornyn of Texas could be next after Trump endorsed Ken Paxton,
Cornyn's rival for the Republican nomination in next week's runoff.
Rep. Thomas Massie of Kentucky is perhaps a founding member of the YOLO
caucus — slang for “you only live once,” used to punctuate unbothered or
even foolhardy behavior. He frustrated Trump since the president's first
term, and his status was solidified after losing his primary on Tuesday
to a Trump-backed challenger. Massie has enraged Trump by voting against
his signature tax and spending bill and by pushing for the release of
the Jeffrey Epstein files.
He hinted there's more to come before he leaves office.
“I got seven months left in Congress,” Massie said with a grin during
his concession speech as the crowd erupted.
More Republicans feel free to shrug off Trump
Other similarly situated Republicans include Sen. Thom Tillis, who was a
fierce critic of former Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem and has
more recently turned his attention to Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth.
There’s also Sen. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, who joined Democrats last
week in a bid to curb Trump’s war powers in Iran. Sens. Susan Collins of
Maine and Mitch McConnell of Kentucky have voted against some of Trump’s
Cabinet picks. And in the House, Rep. Don Bacon of Nebraska has pushed
to reclaim congressional power over tariffs.
“If the legislative branch always votes with the president, we do have a
king,” Massie said in his concession speech Tuesday.
This hardly amounts to a revival of the Never Trump movement that some
Republicans unsuccessfully hoped would curb the president's excesses
during his first term or block him from returning to office. Many in the
party, including Trump's occasional detractors, have either stood by or
been unable to block the president as he launched the war in Iran and
presided over an aggressive immigration enforcement operation and the
dismantling of the federal workforce.
Today's unencumbered Republicans don't fit into an ideological box. But
they are united by a sense of emboldening that can only be attained in a
few ways in Trump's Washington.
Many, like Tillis, McConnell and Bacon, have decided to retire and can
cast votes knowing they'll never again have to face Republican primary
voters. Others like Collins and Murkowski have more leeway because they
represent states that tend to reward political independence. And some
like Massie banked on the idea that voters could support both Trump and
someone who occasionally crossed him.
It's a paradox for Trump. As he demands total loyalty and pushes out
Republican dissenters, he's left with a growing cohort who, for one
reason or another, owe Trump nothing.
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Sen. Bill Cassidy, R-La., speaks to supporters during an election
night watch party Saturday, May 16, 2026, in Baton Rouge, La. (AP
Photo/Gerald Herbert)
Democrats look to capitalize
That could be a problem for Senate Majority Leader John Thune and
House Speaker Mike Johnson, who are already governing with
threadbare majorities. Shifting loyalties of even a few Republican
lawmakers could dramatically complicate the ability for either
chamber to pass substantial legislation ahead of the November
midterm elections.
Thune called Cornyn a “principled conservative” and “very effective
senator” on Tuesday.
“None of us control what the president does,” he said.
The next tests could come later this week as Thune pushes a funding
package for Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Customs and
Border Protection designed to pass on a party line basis.
Democrats are eager to pounce.
Speaking at an event in Washington on Tuesday sponsored by the
Center for American Progress, House Democratic leader Hakeem
Jeffries said he would aim to drive a wedge between Republicans by
using a so-called discharge petition to bring issues directly to the
floor for a vote.
That tactic has been successful in securing House passage on issues
ranging from the Epstein files to temporary protection of Haitian
immigrants.
“When we're disciplined and when we're focused and when we put
pressure in particular on the so-called swing seat Republicans, they
have been breaking with us,” Jeffries said.
California Gov. Gavin Newsom told reporters on Tuesday that Trump's
endorsement of Cornyn's rival was a sign that his political power
lies within the Republican base — not the American public at large.
“He’s showed the only influence he has, and that’s an outsize
influence within the base of the party,” the potential 2028
Democratic presidential contender said. “Otherwise he’s shown little
to no influence with the American people.”
Counting the votes
That leaves Republicans gaming out how they might cobble together
the votes needed to pass legislation.
Sen. John Hoeven of North Dakota called Cassidy a “good friend” and
said the loss was “tough for him.” He said Cassidy “will always vote
in line with what he thinks is best” but doubted he will become a
less reliable Republican vote.
His fellow Louisianan, Sen. John Kennedy, said Cassidy deploys power
“rationally and maturely” and “will continue to do the same thing.”
Cassidy repeatedly rejected the notion that he will spend his final
months in Washington as a troublemaker for Trump, saying he's going
to do “what's good for my country and my state.”
Yet the independent streak that ended his political career quickly
resurfaced. A week after Trump visited China, Cassidy spoke of a
western alliance that's “totally falling apart” and will be unable
to “push back on the threat China represents.” He seemed stunned
that the administration would create a nearly $1.8 billion fund to
compensate Trump allies who they believe have been unjustly
investigated and prosecuted.
“I just came off the campaign trail,” he said. “People are concerned
about making their own ends meet, not about putting a slush fund
together without a legal precedent.”
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Associated Press writer Stephen Groves in Washington contributed to
this report.
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